http://www.lactualite.com/politique/avortement-vote-de-conscience-et-equilibrisme/ google translated
Public opinion is not monolithic. Despite the marches and blows of absolutists on both sides, it seems that many people are uncomfortable with the extreme positions in this debate.
27 May. 2014 - by Jérôme Lussier
Over the past 20 days, the debate on abortion has been half revived in Canada, against all odds.
The starting point is Justin Trudeau's statement on May 7 that the future candidates of the Liberal Party of Canada must be in favor of the right to abortion - a position that on the surface at least broke with the Liberal tradition of a free vote on so-called "conscience issues".
I am not a partisan of the party line in general, let alone questions that come out of the usual political trenches. The news was, moreover, all the more surprising since it came from a party leader who wants to rejuvenate politics (and his party) and, officially, to interfere as little as possible with the process of nominating his candidates.
Was Mr. Trudeau's maneuver politically and strategically wise?
As Lise Ravary pointed out last week, abortion exists in a legal vacuum in Canada. Since the invalidation of the provisions of the Criminal Code that were referred to it by the Supreme Court in Morgentaler in 1988, there is nothing to frame it.
In theory, it is therefore possible in Canada to perform an abortion, for whatever reason, until the very end of a pregnancy. This legal vacuum contrasts with the regimes found in France, Great Britain and Sweden, for example.
* * *
Fifteen years before Morgentaler, the Supreme Court of the United States set out the terms of the debate in its famous Roe v. Wade. While acknowledging a constitutional right to abortion in the United States, the Court had identified divergent interests in confronting each other, thus delineating the contours of a nuanced position.
On the one hand, women have a fundamental right to dispose of their bodies and to make intimate decisions in relation to it - including the decision to have an abortion. On the other hand, the state has a legitimate and opposite interest in protecting "prenatal life".
The Supreme Court of the United States had resolved this dilemma by deciding that a woman's right to terminate her pregnancy prevailed in the first few months, but gradually gave way as the " Viability "of the fetus increases. These notions and tension are at the root of the laws that are found all over the world.
* * *
Public opinion is not monolithic either. Despite the marches and blows of absolutists on both sides, it seems that many people are uncomfortable with the extreme positions in this debate.
For example, in a survey in July 2012, there was very little support (only 6%) for a complete abortion ban. Many more Canadians (49% overall) supported the status quo of unrestricted abortion.
The most popular option - with 60% support, of which 62% for women - was legal abortion, but it was framed, particularly to limit abortions in the third trimester of pregnancy.
Is this position now incompatible with the political agenda of the Liberal Party of Canada?
Are the laws found in several European countries fundamentally foreign to our manners?
Has the PLC decided to make the unlimited right to abortion a principled position, as well as its opposition to the death penalty - supported by 65% of Canadians and apparently 69% of Quebeckers?
Is the absolute and unconditional opposition to the death penalty comparable to the absolute and unconditional defense of the right to abortion? Is there any way to reconcile this rigid posture with the wish for an open policy and the idea of a centrist party that, in principle, defends liberalism and diversity of opinion?
* * *
Here, as elsewhere, the debate about abortion is sometimes kidnapped by a Manichaeism stemming from a rigid conception of human life: the arguments are often summarized as to whether or not the fetus should be considered a human being with The resulting consequences.
If so, he would have all the rights of a normal person, including the right not to be killed. If not, it would be comparable to the body of the woman who wears it, and would not enjoy any right to life or security.
This binary classification leads to known polarized positions. Pro-life - mostly driven by religious beliefs - considers abortion to be prohibited, at conception, and in virtually all circumstances. Pro-choice believes that abortion should be allowed for whatever reason, regardless of the stage of pregnancy.
On both sides, this absolute coherence has the merit of a certain logic. But it may be contrary to the nuances of common sense.
Would it be appropriate in Canada to consider "prenatal life"
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